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South African Partys



 Afrikaner Volksfront The "Vryheidsvlag" (Freedom Flag), registered in 1995 with the South African Bureau of Heraldry as the flag of the Afrikaner Volksfront.

  The Afrikaner Volksfront or AVF (Afrikaner People's Front) was a separatist umbrella organisation uniting a number of right-wing Afrikaner organisations in South Africa in the transitional period while multi-party negotiations were held in the run-up to the democratic elections on 27 April 1994.

The AVF President was Dr Ferdi Hartzenberg, leader of the Conservative Party, and the chief secretary was Colonel Piet Botha. Other groups involved included the Boerestaat Party, the Herstigte Nasionale Party and the Oranjewerkers

After the election, the AVF established a Volksrepubliek werkkomitee (People's Republic working committee) to gather information and put the ideal of Afrikaner self-determination into practice. This committee recommended a Volkstaat solution.
The AVF was disbanded in November 1996.

   Boerestaat Party

The Boerstaat Party is a right wing South African political party founded on September 30th 1986 by the late Robert van Tonder. It was never official because the required 500 persons under one roof could not be rallied. It was never represented in the South African Parliament, neither in the apartheid era nor after the democratization.

In 1989, it joined the Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging in declaring support for Jaap Marais, the leader of the Herstigte Nasionale Party and has worked with the HNP on occasion since. The party was a charter member of the Afrikaner Volksfront coalition group. It has also operated its own paramilitary group, the Boere Weerstandsbeweging Boer Resistance Movement.

The BSP were the third group in South Africa to openly advocate the restoration of the South African Republic and the Orange Free State and call for the secession of these territories from the Union of South Africa. Other groups advocated this notion in the past with the Martiz Rebellion of 1914 and the Ossewa Brandwag of the 1940s being the most notable prior. This policy was later taken on board by the AWB and other rightist movements. The BSP further argued that the Boer citizens of these nineteenth century republics should be considered as a distinct nation from the Afrikaners, known as a Boerestaat.

The BSP has been noted for adopting controversial views on AIDS and came out in support of the views on the subject expressed by Thabo Mbeki . The party has also taken an active role in ensuring that the Voortrekker Monument is cared for, with current leader Coen Vermaak a leading advocate in this campaign.

Coen Vermaak has become noted for his controversial statements, arguing that it is official policy to drive white people to extinction through the widespread availability of contraceptives whilst he has further argued that 'I am convinced the abortion law is aimed at getting rid of white babies'. Vermaak has also claimed that AIDS was a hoax designed to promote the use of condoms among whites claiming that 'no Boer Afrikaner eer had Aids. It doesn't exist. It's the biggest scam that can take place'

Whilst the party does not actively call for voting rights to be restricted to whites only, it firmly rejects the post-apartheid doctrine of universal suffrage. For Vermaak, it is ridiculous that a doctor and a vagrant should have an equal say in how the country is governed. He has argued that 'any logical person should understand that some people's votes should count more than others'.

The Vryheidsvlag (Freedom Flag), flag of the Afrikaner Volksfront.


Volkstaat Afrikaans: People's state is a proposal for the establishment of self determination for the Boer and Afrikaners minority in South Africa according to federal principles, alluding to full independence in the form of a homeland for Boer and Afrikaners.

Following the Great Trek, Boer pioneers expressed a drive for self determination and independence through the establishment of several Boer Republics during the 19th century. The end of minority apartheid rule in South Africa in 1994 once again left some Afrikaners disillusioned and marginalized by the political changes, and resulted in a proposal for an autonomous Volkstaat.

Different methods exist according to which a Volkstaat can be established. Outside a use of force, the South African Constitution and International Legislation present certain possibilities for establishment. The geographic dispersal of minority Boer and Afrikaner communities throughout South Africa presents a significant obstacle to the establishment of a Volkstaat, as Boer and Afrikaners do not form a majority in any separate geographic area which could be sustainable independently. Supporters of the proposal have established two small communities, Orania in the Northern Cape and Kleinfontein in Gauteng, as a practical implementation of the proposal.


Historically, Boer have had a drive for independence which resulted in the establishment of different republics in what is now the modern Republic of South Africa. These republics were proclaimed by the Voortrekkers, of which the most notable were Natalia Republic, the Orange Free State and the Transvaal. However, British rule after the Second Anglo-Boer War led to the dissolution of the last two remaining Boer states Orange Free State and South African Republic.

Under apartheid, Afrikaner and Anglo-African culture was protected by government leadership, Afrikaans and English were the official languages, and the majority of the politicians running the country were Afrikaners. The underlying principle of apartheid was racial separatism, and the means by which this was implemented, such as the homeland system of bantustans, were extremely biased against the non-European majority as it excluded them from exercising their rights in the broader South Africa. Afrikaners held a privileged position in South African society, alongside the other Europeans.

In the late 1980s, the Afrikaner-Vryheidstigting Afrikaner Freedom Foundation, or Avstig, was formed by Professor Carel Boshoff. Avstig proposed a Volkstaat in the Northern Cape province, in a largely rural, and minimally developed region. Avstig bought the town of Orania in 1991, and turned it into a model Volkstaat. Boshoff continues to be a representative of the Freedom Front, a political party advocating the Volkstaat concept.Orania is situated at the far eastern apex of the original Volkstaat state, where the three provinces Northern Cape, Eastern Cape, and Free State nearly intersect.

   Support and opposition


During the 1994 general election, Afrikaners were asked by the Freedom Front to vote for the party if they wished to form an independent state or Volkstaat for Afrikaners. The results of the election showed that the Freedom Front had the support of 424,555 voters. These voters did however not form a majority in any of South Africa's voting districts.

The fundamental difference to other modern examples of so-called "stateless peoples" seeking self-determination such as the Kurds, Tamils or Chechens is that there is no "historical homeland" or even any area in South Africa where Afrikaners constitute a majority population. The Afrikaner group's history only goes back about 300 years, they are the minority speakers of their language and they do not constitute a majority population in any area.

Two surveys were conducted among white South Africans, in 1993 and 1996, asking the question "How do you feel about demarcating an area for Afrikaners and other European South Africans in which they may enjoy self determination? Do you support the idea of a Volkstaat?" The 1993 survey found that 29% supported the idea, and a further 18% would consider moving to a Volkstaat. The 1996 survey found that this had decreased to 22% supporting the idea, and only 9% wanting to move to a Volkstaat. In the second survey, the proportion of European South Africans opposed to the idea had increased from 34% to 66%.

The 1996 survey found that "those who in 1996 said that they would consider moving to a Volkstaat are mainly Afrikaans speaking males, who are supporters of the Conservative Party or Afrikaner Freedom Front, hold racist views 24%; slightly racist: 6%, non racist: 0%, call themselves Afrikaners and are not content with the new democratic South Africa." It should be noted that no definition for a "racist view" is present in the survey, and that the issue may be confused with a minority group's right to free association.

A 1999 pre-election survey suggested that the 26.9% of Afrikaners wanting to emigrate, but unable to, represented a desire for a solution such as a Volkstaat.

At a conference on Afrikaner self-determination, held in Orania in October 2005, Afrikaner intellectuals showed "little enthusiasm for territorial separation", and proposed other ideas, such as "cyber-government".Hermann Giliomee cited a not otherwise specified opinion poll which according to him showed that over half of "northern Afrikaners" would prefer to live in a homeland.


Matters creating support


Dissatisfaction with life in post-apartheid South Africa is often cited as an indication of support for the idea of a Volkstaat among Afrikaners. A poll carried out by the Volkstaat Council among white people in Pretoria identified crime, economic problems, personal security, affirmative action, educational standards, population growth, health services, language and cultural rights, and housing as reasons to support the creation of Volkstaat.


Crime has become a major problem in South Africa since the end of Apartheid. According to a survey for the period 1998 - 2000 compiled by the United Nations, South Africa was ranked second for assault and murder (by all means) per capita. Total crime per capita is 10th out of the 60 countries in the data set. Nevertheless, crime has had a pronounced effect on society: many wealthier South Africans moved into gated communities, abandoning the central business districts of some cities for the relative security of suburbs.


Farm attacks


Among rural Boers and Afrikaners, violent crime committed against the farming community has contributed significantly to a hardening of attitudes. Between 1998 and 2001 there were some 3,500 recorded farm attacks in South Africa. The attacks have resulted in the murder of 541 farmers, their families or their workers, during only three years. On average more than two farm attack related murders are committed every week.

The Freedom Front interprets this as racial violence targeting Boer and Afrikaner: In mid-2001 the Freedom Front appealed to the United Nations Human Rights Commission to place pressure on the South African government to do something about the murder of Boer and Afrikaner farmers, which "had taken on the shape of an ethnic massacre". Freedom Front leader, Pieter Mulder, claimed that most farm attacks seemed orchestrated, and that the motive for the attacks was not only criminal. Mulder further claimed that "a definite anti-Boer climate had taken root in South Africa. People accused of murdering Boers and Afrikaners were often applauded by supporters during court appearances".

The independent Committee of Inquiry into Farm Attacks, appointed by the National Commissioner of Police, published a report in 2003, however, indicating that European people were not targeted exclusively, that theft occurred in most attacks, and that the proportion of European victims had decreased in the four years preceding the report.

In 2010, several international news publications reported that over 3, 000 white farmers had been
murdered since 1994 This reportage was increased when the far-right political figure, Eugene Terre'Blanche was murdered on his farm.


Rise in unemployment


Despite a deterioration of the situation since the end of apartheid, Afrikaners have one of the highest rates of employment, and of job satisfaction, in the country. European unemployment has experienced the greatest proportional increase between 1995 and 2001: 197% compared to a national average of 27%. In 2001 some 228,000 economically active whites were unemployed.

Job satisfaction among employed Afrikaners is second to that of English-speaking European people, with a survey in 2001 showing that 78% of Afrikaner respondents were either "very satisfied", or "fairly satisfied", with their employment situation.This is worse than the situation under apartheid, when all whites were afforded special treatment, it is likely that those Afrikaners who are unemployed will tend to support initiatives such as the Volkstaat. In Wingard's words, "They will be easy meat for activists.

One in five white South Africans emigrated during the decade ending 2005 due to crime and Affirmative Action.Affirmative Action is implemented by South African legislation, according to which all business employees should reflect the total demographic make up of the country, placing significant difficulty on European South Africans to enter the job market.




According to the 1999 pre-election survey, 2.5% of Afrikaner respondents were emigrating, 26.4% would leave if they could , and 5.3% were considering emigrating. The majority, 64.9%, are definitely staying. The survey suggested that the 26.9% of Afrikaners wanting to emigrate, but unable to, represented a desire for a solution such as a Volkstaat.

A survey released by the South African Institute for Race Relations during September 2006, indicated that a decline in South Africa's white population was estimated at 16.1% for the decade ending 2005.


Reduced political representation


The Afrikaners, a minority group in South Africa, relinquished their dominance of the minority rule over South Africa during the 1994 democratic elections and now only play a small role in South African politics. Some Afrikaners, such as the members of the Volkstaat Council, felt that equal representation did not provide adequate protection for minorities, and desired self rule. The Volkstaat was proposed as one means of achieving this.

Thabo Mbeki, then President of South Africa, quoted an Afrikaner leader with whom he had been engaged in negotiations, "One of our interlocutors expressed this in the following way that 'the Afrikaner is suffering from the hangover of loss of power' resulting in despondency.


Endangered cultural heritage


In 2002 a number of towns and cities with historic Afrikaans names dating back to Voortrekker times—such as Pietersburg and Potgietersrus had their names changed, often in the face of popular opposition to the change.In the same year the government decided that state departments had to choose a single language for inter  and intra departmental communication, effectively compelling public servants to communicate using English with one another.

Of the 31 universities in South Africa, five were historically Afrikaans Free State, Potchefstroom, Pretoria, Rand Afrikaans University and Stellenbosch. In mid-2002 the national Minister of Education, Kader Asmal, announced that Afrikaans medium universities must implement parallel teaching in English, despite a proposal by a government appointed commission that two Afrikaans universities should be retained to further Afrikaans as an academic language. According to the government’s language policy for higher education “the notion of Afrikaans universities runs counter to the end goal of a transformed higher education system".

    The Volkstaat as proposed by Freedom Front

The Freedom Front has been the major political driving force for the formation of a Volkstaat. This Afrikaner-focused political party has representation in the national Parliament as well as several Provincial legislatures in South Africa. Support for this party has however decreased to just under 140,000 votes, being less than 1% of the total votes cast 6% among Afrikaners by the 2004 National elections.

The Freedom Front advocates following the Belgian, Canadian and Spanish models of granting territorial autonomy to linguistic minorities, believing it the only way to protect the rights of Afrikaner people. Under this policy, it proposes the creation of an Afrikaner homeland, comprising the area that lies in the North Western Cape between the West Coast and the Orange River.

The Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging have recently made headlines for their re-activation and plans of establishing an independent Boer state. He claims the Boers have contracts conferring ownership of areas such as Stellaland and Goosen, which the party is prepared to take to The Hague if necessary.

Die Boeremag (Boer force/power) was a violent Boer separatist organisation. Most of its members were arrested in 2003, and are currently facing charges of treason. Similar violent methods towards Volkstaat were employed by the Orde van die Dood in the 1980s.


Orania and Kleinfontein


One Volkstaat attempt is the small town of Orania in the Northern Cape province. The land on which Orania is built is privately owned, and Afrikaners have been encouraged by promoters of the Volkstaat concept to move to Orania, although only a small number has responded, resulting in a population of approximately 600 in 2001, 10 years after being established. Support for Orania recently seems to be growing somewhat with their recent economic "boom".

Today, Orania is home to about 546 Afrikaner families 1,523 inhabitants. Another attempt is the settlement of Kleinfontein outside Pretoria in the Tshwane metropolitan area. Both towns fall within larger municipalities, and are not self governing. Orania is currently petitioning the government to become a separate municipality.

    Legal basis


Section 235 of the South African Constitution allows for the right to self determination of any community, which shares a common culture and language, within a territorial entity within the Republic, or in any other way, as described by national legislation.

This section of the constitution was one of the negotiated settlements during the handing over of political power in 1994. The Freedom Front was instrumental in including this section in the constitution. No national legislation in this regard has yet been enacted for any ethnic group, however.

International legislation presents a recourse for the establishment of a Volkstaat over and above than what the South African Constitution offers. This legislation is available to all minorities who wish to obtain self determination in the form of independence.

The requirements set by international legislation are explained by Prof C. Lloyd Brown-John of the University of Windsor, Ontario as follows: "A minority who are geographically separate and who are distinct ethnically and culturally and who have been placed in a position of subordination may have a right to secede. That right, however, could only be exercised if there is a clear denial of political, linguistic, cultural and religious rights."The rights awarded to minorities were formally enshrined by the United Nations General Assembly when it adopted resolution 47/135 on 18 December 1992.

     Governmental response


The ANC government formalised their stance on the issue in 1998-1999, when they declared that they would not support a Volkstaat, but would do everything they could to ensure the protection of the Afrikaner language and culture, along with the other minority cultures in the country.Wingard stated in 2005 that only a "civil war" would enable Afrikaners to gain independence in any part of South Africa.

     Volkstaat Council

The Volkstaat Council was an organisation of 20 people, created by the South African government, via the Volkstaat Council Act in 1994.This was in accordance with sections 184A and 184B of the 1993 South African Constitution, which state: "The Council shall serve as a constitutional mechanism to enable proponents of the idea of a Volkstaat to constitutionally pursue the establishment of such a Volkstaat.

The council's funding was terminated in 1999, without the council being formally disbanded. The council produced a final report, making three key recommendations.

That areas with an Afrikaner majority should enjoy "territorial self-determination". Areas identified included the region around Pretoria, and a region of the Northern Cape Province.

That the government establish an "Afrikaner Council", as an advisory board to the government. Representation in parliament, where numerical power is all that mattered, was not seen as a democratic system for minorities.

That the government create legislation enacting the other two points. Draft legislation for the Afrikaner Council was provided.

    The provisions in the constitution allowing for formation of the council were removed in 2001, by the Repeal of Volkstaat Council Provisions Act, in accordance with the original act.

Johann Wingard, chair of the council, expressed the view in 2005 that he doubted if any government official ever opened any of the reports to read them. The opposite is suggested, however, by the fact that then deputy president, Thabo Mbeki, and then Minister of Home Affairs, Dr Mangosuthu Buthelezi, quoted figures from Volkstaat Council reports in a report to parliament in 1999. Nelson Mandela, the president at the time, specially requested that the delivery of the report be delayed until he could attend its presentation personally.

Subsequent to the disbanding of the Volkstaat Council, the Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities was established in 2003.This committee is charged with the protection of the rights to cultural identity of all self-identifying groups in South Africa, including Afrikaners. The committee includes an Afrikaner, JCH Landman, who is also a member of the Afrikaner Alliance. The reports from the Volkstaat Council were to be handed over to this committee.



Afrikaner Broederbond


Between 1918 and 1994 the Afrikaner Broederbond AB meaning Afrikaner Brotherhood or Broederbond was a secret, exclusively male and white Protestant organization in South Africa dedicated to the advancement of Afrikaner interests. Founded by HJ Klopper, HW van der Merwe, DHC du Plessis and Rev. Jozua Naudé in 1918, the organization was known as Jong Zuid Afrika Young South Africa until 1920, when it formally became the Afrikaner Broederbond.




Described later as an "inner sanctum","an immense informal network of influence",and by Jan Smuts as a "dangerous, cunning, political fascist organization',in 1920 Jong Zuid Afrika now restyled as the Afrikaner Broederbond, was a modest grouping of 37 white men of Afrikaner ethnicity, Afrikaans language, and the Calvinist Dutch Reformed faith, who shared cultural, semi-religious, and deeply-political objectives based on traditions and experiences dating back to the arrival of Dutch white settlers
French Huguenots, and Germans at the Cape in the 17th and 18th centuries and including the dramatic events of the Great Trek in the 1830s and 40's. Ivor Wilkins and Hans Strydom recount how, on the occasion of its 50th anniversary, a leading broeder  
brother or member for understandable reasons it was difficult to explain our aims In the beginning people were allowed in…who thought it was just another cultural society Wilkins & Strydom, 1980

     The precise intentions of the founders are not clear. Was the group intended to counter the dominance of the British and the English language,or to redeem the Afrikaners after their defeat in the Second Anglo-Boer War? Perhaps it sought to protect a culture, build an economy and seize control of a government

The remarks of the organization's chairman in 1944 offer a slightly different, and possibly more accurate interpretation in the context of the post Boer War and post- World War I era, when Afrikaners were suffering through a maelstrom of social and political changes

The Afrikaner Broederbond was born out of the deep conviction that the Afrikaner volk has been planted in this country by the Hand of God, destined to survive as a separate volk with its own calling.

     In other words, the traditional, deeply-pious Calvinism of the Afrikaners, a pastoral people with a difficult history in South Africa since the mid 17th century, supplied an element of Christian predestination that led to a determination to wrest the country from the English-speaking British and place its future in the hands of the Afrikaans speaking Afrikaners, whatever that might mean for the large black and mixed-race population. To the old thirst for sovereignty that had prompted the Great Trek into the interior from 1838 on, would be added a new thirst for total independence and Nationalism. These two threads merged to form a Christian National civil religion that would dominate South African life from 1948 to 1994.

     This was the historical context in which the Broederbond emerged. The scorched earth policy of the British during the second Boer War devastated Boer that is, rural Afrikaner farmer lands. In British concentration camps, 27 000 Boer women and children had died. The Boer surrender at Vereeniging, though pragmatic, was deeply humiliating. Lord Milner's inflammatory policy of Anglicization simply rubbed salt into Afrikaner wounds, and a backlash was inevitable. The National Party and ultimately the Broederbond were the long-term and powerful result.

     The National Party had been established in 1914 by Afrikaner nationalists. It first came to power in 1924. Ten years later, its leader J.B.M. Hertzog and Jan Smuts of the South African Party merged their parties to form the United Party. This angered a contingent of hardline nationalists under D.F. Malan, who broke away to form the ’’Purified National Party’’. By the time World War II broke out, resentment of the British had not subsided.

Malan's party opposed South Africa's entry into the war on the side of the British; some of its members wanted to support Nazi Germany. Jan Smuts had commanded the British Army in East Africa and was understandably amenable to backing the Allies a second time.

This was the spark Afrikaner nationalism needed. Herzog, who was in favour of neutrality, quit the United Party when a narrow majority in his cabinet backed Smuts. He started the Afrikaner Party which would amalgamate later with D.F. Malan's ’’Purified National Party’’ to become the force that would take over South African politics for the next 5 decades.

   History of South Africa

The Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO) accepted the Afrikaner people unanimously as a member during its IX General Assembly on 16 – 17 May 2008 in Brussels, Belgium. The Freedom Front Plus leader, Dr. Pieter Mulder, accepted membership of UNPO on behalf of the Afrikaner people

    Freedom Front Plus

In a move that surprised other right-wing parties, Viljoen registered the Freedom Front with the Independent Electoral Commission IEC on 4 March 1994 to take part in the April 1994 general elections. This date has also been given as 7 March. On 12 March 1994 Viljoen handed in a list of candidates for the FF to the IEC, confirming that his party would take part in the elections.








Freedom Front Plus
Leader Pieter Mulder
Founded 1 March 1994
Headquarters Pretoria, South Africa
Ideology Christian democracy,
Classical liberalism,
Afrikaner nationalism,
Afrikaner separatism
International affiliation Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO)
Official colours Green, Orange
National Assembly members 6
Politics of South Africa
Political parties

Deputy President
Council of Provinces
National Assembly
Constitutional Court

   The Freedom Front Plus FF+; Afrikaans: Vryheidsfront Plus, VF+ is a South African political party that aims to protect Afrikaner interests. The leader is Dr. Pieter Mulder.


In the election, under the leadership of General Viljoen, the Freedom Front received 2.2% of the national vote with 424,555 votes cast and nine seats in the National Assembly. In the 1999 election their support dropped to 0.8% 127,217 votes cast with three seats in the National Assembly. In 2001, Viljoen handed over the leadership of the Freedom Front to Dr. Pieter Mulder.

In 2003, shortly before the 2004 general election, the Conservative Party, the Afrikaner Eenheids Beweging and the Freedom Front decided to contest the election as a single entity under the name Freedom Front Plus FF+, led by Dr. Mulder. Later, also the Federal Alliance joined the VF+/FF+.

In the 2004 general election, support for the Freedom Front rose slightly to 0.89% 139,465 votes cast. The party won one seat in most of the provincial legislatures, and four seats in the National Assembly.In the 2006 municipal elections, the Freedom Front Plus received 1% of the popular vote 252,253 votes cast.

In the 2009 general election, the party received 0.83% 146,796 votes cast and retained its four seats in the National Assembly. The party also enjoyed a landslide win in the Afrikaner enclave Orania. After the elections, the Freedom Front's leader Pieter Mulder was appointed as Deputy Minister of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries by the new President Jacob Zuma.

   Political goals

The Freedom Front Plus is closely associated with the Afrikaner settlement of Orania, whose long-term goal is to establish an independent state for Afrikaners.

The Freedom Front Plus wish to represent the voice of the Afrikaner in all spheres of government. As such, it cannot count on the attraction of large number of votes. Instead, it seeks to produce results for the Afrikaner in the way in which they approach the governing party.

It is also looking at ways beyond normal parliamentarian politics to benefit Afrikaners. This forms part of their strategy of being "More than just opposition". For example, the Freedom Front-affiliated website SA Talent

    states its purpose as follows:

President Thabo Mbeki recently announced that the government intends to source skilled people from foreign countries in order to reverse the downward trend in levels of service delivery. However, there are many skilled South Africans locally and overseas who would be happy to work in their country but are prevented from doing so by affirmative action.

This web site gives an opportunity to these people to record their skills on an easy accessible data base. We will convey the information to the government and personnel agencies on a continuous basis.

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